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he crisis in the relationship between Israel and Turkey reached a head following the IDF raid on the flotilla to Gaza at the end of last May, during which nine IHH activists were killed. Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan gave his full support to the flotilla, using anti-Israel rhetoric which boosted his popularity in the Arab world.
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After the Flotilla: A Survey of the Regional and Local SituationYacov Ben Efrat
he international reaction to the killing of nine activists on the deck of the Mavi Marmara sent Israel into a state of shock. That reaction expressed the international community's loathing for the right-wing administration of Binyamin Netanyahu and for the years of Israel's aggressive rule over Palestinian lives. Long years of foot dragging in talks with the Palestinians, the continuing settlement construction, the project of judaizing Jerusalem, the roadblocks and checkpoints preventing freedom of movement, the separation barrier in the West Bank and the blockade of the Gaza Strip—all these have engendered an almost wall-to-wall international consensus against the Israeli occupation. In response to this reaction, Israel was forced to lighten its Gaza blockade significantly, to establish its own commission to investigate the flotilla debacle, and it has now agreed to participate in a United Nations investigation as well.
The Trouble with the March for Gilad ShalitYacov Ben Efrathe march for the release of Gilad Shalit, which began from his family home in Mizpeh Hila and is destined for the Prime Minister's house in Jerusalem, is winning public support for the notion that Israel should "pay the price." And what is the price? PM Binyamin Netanyahu listed the demands of Shalit's captors on Thursday, July 1, 2010, in a speech to the nation. Hamas, he said, wants a thousand prisoners in exchange, including 450 "heavies" convicted of violent crimes against Israelis. The remaining gaps between the sides are two: (1) Among the 450 are men from the West Bank, and Israel wants to keep them out of there, far from its major cities, by deporting them to Gaza or abroad. Their return to the West Bank, it also claims, could turn the strategic balance against Palestinian Authority (PA) President Abu Mazen. (2) There are ten on the Hamas list who Israel isn't willing to release, but Hamas insists. The fate of these ten will show which side has the upper hand.
The Ghetto in the GhettoMichal Schwartzhe past year has witnessed two cases in the religious schools where ultraorthodox Jews of West European descent (Ashkenazis) discriminated against ultraorthodox Jews of darker hues. In August 2009, private religious schools in Petach Tikva refused to admit Ethiopian Jews. In response, the Education Ministry threatened to withdraw financial support for these schools and even to shut them down. In this way it compelled them to admit a hundred pupils.
Guide to Ending the Siege of GazaYacov Ben Efrathe IDF takeover of the Turkish humanitarian flotilla has shaken everything up. Israel finds itself blockaded too: an unprecedented international diplomatic siege. An apparently local incident lacking any military or political importance has turned into an entanglement of far-reaching strategic significance. Turkey, Israel’s loyal regional ally for the past 60 years, darling of the West, has switched sides – friend to enemy – becoming the radical Arab camp’s most prominent spokesperson, supporter of Hamas, and proponent of the legitimacy of Hamas’ hold on the Gaza Strip.
Gaza: Bargaining Chip in Political GameYacov Ben Efrat
week ago (May 18, 2010) it was reported that the government of Qatar had offered to renew diplomatic ties with Israel in exchange for Israel permitting the entry of construction materials to the Gaza Strip, to rebuild what Israel had destroyed during “Operation Cast Lead.” Inside Israel, a debate rapidly developed between those in favor of accepting the offer and those against. After intense deliberation, Israel unsurprisingly refused.
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03.09.2010, 12:09